Shanbaro Community Association
The Shanbaro Community Association consists of individuals from the Somali Bantu tribe who are organizing their community of fellow Bantu tribe members to become empowered to access health care, social services and educational needs while becoming civically involved in the overall community of Chelsea
Shanbaro Community Leadership Training
Leadership
Aden Abukar, President
Jeylani Ali, Vice-President
The following information is from the Cultural Orientation Resource Center
Introduction
In Africa, the Bantu-speaking peoples make up a major part of the population of nearly all African countries south of the Sahara. They belong to over 300 groups, each with its own language or dialect. Groups vary in size from a few hundred to several million. Among the best known are the Kikuyu, the largest group in Kenya; the Swahili, whose language is spoken throughout eastern Africa; and the Zulu of South Africa.
The Somali Bantu can be subdivided into distinct groups. There are those who are indigenous to Somalia, those who were brought to Somalia as slaves from Bantu-speaking tribes but integrated into Somali society, and those who were brought to Somalia as slaves but maintained, to varying degrees, their ancestral culture, Bantu languages, and sense of southeast African identity. It is this last group of Bantu refugees that has particularly suffered persecution in Somalia and that is therefore in need of protection through resettlement. These Bantu originally sought resettlement to Tanzania in 1993 and 1994, and to Mozambique in 1997 and 1998, before they were considered for resettlement in the United States in 1999.
As a persecuted minority group in Somalia, the Bantu refugees have endured continual marginalization in Somalia since their arrival as slaves in the 19th century. Although they have lived in Somalia for approximately two centuries, these Bantu are, in many ways, viewed and treated as foreigners. This history, coupled with their cultural, linguistic and physical differences, distinguishes them from other Somali refugees who have been resettled in the United States. The culture of subjugation under which most of them lived may present special challenges to their American resettlement caseworkers.
Today, an estimated 300 Somali Bantu live in the United States. Of these, some have come as students, others have accompanied spouses or other family members, and a few have been resettled as refugees. The Somali Bantu, like other refugee groups, have tended to concentrate in urban areas. One of the largest concentrations is in Atlanta, Georgia, where the Bantu have established a community association, the Somali Bantu Community Organization, to assist newly resettled Somali Bantu refugees.
The total number of Somalis living in the United States is estimated at 150,000, of whom about 40,000 are Somali refugees from the dominant clans. With tens of thousands of Somalis, Minneapolis has the largest Somali community in the United States. Other metropolitan areas with large numbers of Somalis include Columbus, Ohio, New York City, Washington, D.C., Boston, San Diego, Atlanta, and Detroit. (For more information on Somalia in general, please see the Center for Applied Linguistics Culture Profile on Somali refugees.)
Before the U.S. resettlement offer, faced with the prospect of indefinite residency in the refugee camps, some Bantu refugee families may have felt compelled to send members back to Somalia to try to claim their former farms. However, when asked in 1996 if Bantu refugees were still determined to resettle, a Bantu elder affirmed emphatically, "We didn't know what freedom was; we have been let out of the cage and we don't want to go back in."
People
Many Bantu refugees can trace their origins back to ancestors in southeast African tribes who were enslaved in the 18th century by agents of the Sultanate of Zanzibar. These ancestral tribes include, among others, the Makua and Yao of southern Tanzania and northern Mozambique; the Ngindo of southern Tanzania; the Nyasa of southern Tanzania, northern Mozambique, and northern Malawi; and the Zaramo and Zigua of northeast Tanzania. Other southeast African tribes represented among the Bantu refugees include the Digo, Makale, Manyawa, Nyamwezi, and Nyika.
The Bantu slated for resettlement, especially those who fled the once forested Juba River valley, are politely referred to as Wagosha ("people of the forest") or Jareer (term used to describe Africans with hard or kinky hair). Derogatory terms to describe the Somali Bantu include adoon and habash, which translate as "slave." Some Somalis also call the Bantu ooji, which in Italian means "today" and refers to the Somali's perception of the Bantu as lacking the ability to think beyond the moment. The Bantu refugees generally refer to themselves simply as the Bantu. Those who trace their origins to an east African tribe refer to themselves collectively as Shanbara, Shangama, or Wagosha. Those Bantu refugees with very strong cultural and linguistic ties to southeast Africa refer to themselves as Mushunguli or according to their east African tribe, such as Zigua. In Bantu languages, such as Swahili, people from the Zigua tribe are called Wazigua, while a single person from that tribe is called Mzigua. The word Mushunguli may have evolved from the word Mzigua.
Most scholars believe that the Wazigua are the founders of Goshaland along the Juba River, a safe haven for runaway slaves. Late in the 19th century, Egypt, Zanzibar, Italy, and Britain recognized this haven as an independent entity. Although other gama (autonomous communities) later existed in Goshaland, the Wazigua remained as an autonomous society with a distinct political structure. That is probably why the Goshaland people are generally known by the name of their founders, the Wazigua. Until the 1920s, the Bantu people of Goshaland were divided into nine gama groups, which constituted the core of their confederation. They are Makale, Makua, Molema, Mushunguli (Zigua), Ngindo, Nyamwezi, Nyassa, Nyika, and Yao. Later, some of these groups were either assimilated into the indigenous Bantu/Jareer of the Shabelle River or incorporated into other Somali clans such as Biamal, Garre, Jiido, Shiqaal, and so on.
Prior to the civil war in Somalia in the late 1980s, the Zigua (Wazigua), who have maintained their ancestral southeast African culture and language more than any other ex-slave Bantu group, were also referred to as the Mushunguli. Since many Bantu groups in pre-war Somalia wished to integrate into the dominant clan structure, identifying oneself as a Mushunguli was undesirable. Once in the refugee camps, however, being a Mushunguli became desirable as resettlement to Tanzania and Mozambique was predicated on proving a connection to an east African tribe. In this regard, some Bantu refugees with ex-slave ancestry, whether or not they maintained their ancestral language and culture, adopted Mushunguli identification and Swahili language use to differentiate themselves from the other Somali Bantu groups. In order to avoid confusion for refugee resettlement professionals, however, the term Bantu will be used throughout this report.
Place in Society
Although there are today no reliable statistical sources, the Somali population is estimated at about 7.5 million people. Of that figure, the entire Bantu population in southern Somalia is estimated at about 600,000, and those with strong east African identification are estimated at a fraction of that number. The Bantu people are ethnically and culturally distinct from the Somali nomads and the coastal people, who generally disdain agriculture and value a tribal lineage system that does not include the Bantu.
Since independence in 1960, Somali governments have promoted the false notion that Somalia is a homogeneous nation, a claim reinforced by some Somali nomadic scholars and non-Somalis as well. The myth of homogeneity falsely represents Somalia's dominant nomadic culture and tradition as the nation's only culture and tradition. Somalia, in fact, is made up of diverse communities. Indeed, some experts estimate that up to one third of all Somalis are minorities, representing a variety of cultures, languages, and interpretations of the dominant Sunni Islamic religion.
The Bantu people's predominant Negroid physical features are distinct from those of the Somali nomads and give them a unique identity. Among the physical features used to differentiate the nomads from the Bantu is hair texture - jareer (kinky hair) for the Bantu people, and jilec (soft hair) for the non-Bantu. People with such features are subjected to a variety of discriminatory practices. They are often excluded from political, economic, and educational advancement. The Bantu, therefore, have had to settle for the lowest and most undignified occupations.
Social Structures
Some Bantu populations still maintain the tribal identities of their ancestral country of origin. However, unlike the nomadic Somalis, who consider clan affiliation and tribal identification sacrosanct and critical to survival, most Bantu people identify themselves by their place of residence, which, for those with strong cultural ties to Tanzania, often corresponds to their ceremonial kin grouping. The Bantu slated for resettlement in the United States, therefore, place much less emphasis on Somali clan and tribal affiliations than do the non-Bantu Somalis who have been resettled in the United States. Other Bantu who lived in the vicinity of nomadic Somali clans (particularly those residing outside of the lower Juba River valley) integrated into the Somali nomadic clan system, which provided the Bantu with protection and a sense of identity with the nomads.
Discrimination against the Bantu in Somalia largely prevented them from intermarrying with other Somali groups and thus receiving the protection those clan affiliations normally bring. As the scholar Lee Cassanelli explains,
In Somali society, married women traditionally have served to link the clans of their fathers and brothers, to whom they always belong, with their husbands, to whom the children always belong. Most of the nomadic clans practiced some form of exogamy—marriage outside the clan—to help strengthen alliances with "outsiders." Wives were exchanged even between clans and clan sections that were prone to fight over water and pasture. These ties helped mediate disputes between clans, since there were always families with in-laws on the other side who would have an interest in the peaceful resolution of conflicts.
Discrimination against the Bantu was not confined to marriage alone, but engulfed every aspect of their lives. As a marginalized group, the Bantu lacked true representation in politics and access to government services, educational opportunities, and professional positions in the private sector. This exclusion also resulted in economic development policies and resource allocations that did not take into account Bantu wishes and priorities. The Bantu's lineage to slavery relegated them to second-class status—or worse—in pre-war Somalia. This overt discrimination also carried over to the Kenyan refugee camps, where the Bantu continued to experience discrimination from the other Somali groups.
Excluded from mainstream Somali society, many Bantu have retained ancestral social structures. For many of the Bantu from the lower Juba River valley, this means that their east African tribe of origin is the main form of social organization. For these Bantu, smaller units of social organization are broken down according to matrilineal kin groupings, which are often synonymous with ceremonial dance groupings. Bantu village and community composition normally follows the Bantu's east African tribal and kin groupings.
Many Bantu from the middle Juba River valley have lost their east African language and culture. These Bantu have attempted to integrate, usually as inferior members, into a local dominant Somali clan social structure. Like the Bantu from the lower Juba River valley, the Bantu from the middle Juba River valley also regard their village as an important form of social organization. Although Bantu with strong cultural and linguistic links to southeast Africa have been known to level sarcasm against those who attempted to assimilate into the dominant Somali clan culture and language, there is no real hostility between them. In fact, the war and refugee experience have worked to strengthen relationships between the various Bantu subgroups.
Resettlement Challenges
As would be the case with other farmers from rural Africa, the Bantu will face a culture and civil society in America that is as foreign to them as any on earth. Although other refugees with similar histories of persecution and marginalization, such as the Hmong from Southeast Asia, have resettled in the United States, no such large group of African immigrants from one minority group has come to the United States.
In addition to obstacles such as illiteracy, lack of English skills, immigrant status, lack of formal education, and no modern-economy job skills, the Bantu will also face the obstacle of discrimination inherent in American society. For these reasons, it is suggested that American resettlement professionals devote sufficient resources to help the Somali Bantu overcome the immense challenges they will face in the United States.
The Bantu have a very strong sense of family and community. This strength can work to overcome some of the challenges they will face in the United States. Resettling extended family and kin groups together could provide the social, spiritual, and physical support that will be needed by the Bantu to more effectively integrate into American society. This is particularly important as Bantu refugees will neither have established family, nor kin support networks waiting to assist them in the United States. Moreover, they have proven time and again that they can adapt to extremely difficult and new situations. With sufficient levels of mentoring and resources, the Bantu can successfully adapt to American society.
Although the Bantu come from a rural farming region, many have been living in large camps with approximately 40,000 other refugees. In this regard, some of the Bantu have gained limited exposure to urban ways of life, such as transportation systems, rental property, and government services, which they weren't familiar with in Somalia. The Dadaab refugee camps, for example, are served by taxis and buses on a regular basis. There are even buses originating in the camps that travel directly to major Kenyan cities, including Nairobi.
The IOM conducts cultural orientation for all U.S.-bound adult Somali Bantu refugees over the age of 15. Orientation is geared toward preparing refugees for resettlement in the United States; topics include work, housing, health, and education. Due to concerns about the special challenges facing the Bantu, the U.S. State Department has approved enhanced cultural orientation of up to 80 hours for each individual. The additional training includes survival literacy and special classes for mothers and youth.
American resettlement agencies may wish to prepare training and support for the Somali Bantu that worked well with other resettled refugees groups with similar characteristics, such as rural African refugees or the Hmong of Southeast Asia. In particular, agencies may wish to focus on high school equivalency (GED), English language training, crime awareness, rights and opportunities available to them as newcomers to America, and relations among the myriad ethnic groups in the United States.
The following briefly discusses areas of need for newly resettled Bantu refugees and what service providers might do to address these needs.
Housing
Since the Bantu have had very little exposure to Western housing, conveniences, and food, resettlement professionals will need to employ strategies with the Bantu that previously worked with other rural refugees. Electricity, flush toilets, telephones, and kitchen and laundry appliances are all foreign to most Bantu refugees.
Work and Finances
Although the Bantu possess few modern economy job skills, they are in other ways well prepared to enter the American work force. Their ability to accept virtually any job in Somalia and Kenya in order to provide for their families will serve them well in the United States.
The placement of newly arrived refugees in occupations in which they have skills, such as mechanics, small-scale farming, and construction, would enable them to more quickly learn their new jobs and prove their worth as employees. Working in semi-rural, nonmigratory agriculture may help some Bantu better acclimate to American society by placing them in a residential and work environment that is more familiar to them than standard modern-economy jobs in urban areas.
Bantu women have primarily worked in the home and on the farm. Some women acquired land in Somalia in order to earn their own money. Their hard-working and resourceful nature will help Bantu women find and keep jobs in the United States. Resettlement professionals may wish to use employment strategies for the Bantu women that were successful with other women of similar rural backgrounds, such as the Hmong.
The Bantu, like other rural refugees, have had little experience with banks, checking accounts, or automatic teller machines. Although the Bantu are familiar with borrowing land and money, selling produce in markets, and earning wages from private and public employers, the refugees will still require intensive training on finances, budgeting, and financial planning.
Health Care
The IOM reports a high birth rate among the Bantu population, noting that most married women are either breastfeeding or pregnant and that the concept of family planning does not exist. According to recent data collected by the UNHCR, an estimated 60% of the Bantu are under 17, and 31% are under 6.
Although these characteristics are not unique to the Bantu, let alone other refugee populations, resettlement professionals should be prepared to deal with significant health care, sanitation, and social support issues relating to small children and mothers. For instance, the Bantu use pit latrines and are unfamiliar with typical American bathroom facilities and common sanitation items such as diapers and feminine care products.
The Bantu are a rural people who practice traditional beliefs. This extends to medical care in which local healing techniques are used. The IOM reports that some Bantu apply a heated nail or metal object to an infant's head in the belief that the burns will reduce the swelling of the head in cases where it is unusually large. They also burn small holes in the skin to cure ailments like stomach aches and migraine headaches. Like other rural east African people, the use of herbs in traditional medical practices is common.
Religious healing, such as prayer, is also frequently used. Some Bantu women, accompanied by traditional healers, perform ritual ceremonies, known as Gitimiri or Audara, to cast off illness and evil spells. Other such healing techniques are practiced among the Bantu and other Somali groups. Resettlement professionals in the United States may want to consult with their southern Somali colleagues to better understand the scope of such healing techniques practiced in that region.
Like other Somali groups, the Bantu circumcise both males and females. Aid workers in the refugee camps state that female circumcision practiced by some Bantu is a milder form than that practiced by the other Somali groups. While service providers report that the Bantu are agreeable to giving up the practice when they arrive in the United States, there have been reports from the UNHCR that some Bantu, knowing that they cannot legally circumcise their daughters in the U.S., rushed to circumcise them before departing Kenya. Health and legal concerns around this should continue to be addressed by resettlement agencies upon the Bantu's arrival in the United States. It should be noted that female circumcision is a tradition that may have accompanied Islam but is not mandated by Islam.
Mental Health
Bantu refugees with a lineage to slavery have a long history of marginalization. The years of subjugation and fear have adversely affected their sense of equality and self-esteem. The Bantu were further affected by the recent civil war with many fleeing only after their villages were attacked. Many witnessed friends and relatives being killed in bandit attacks in Somalia.
The prevalence of violence and the constant threat of attack in the refugee camps have further eroded the Bantu's sense of security and well-being. The IOM reports trauma-related problems, including hopelessness and depression, among the Bantu being interviewed for resettlement. Thus, resettlement professionals will have to contend not only with the aftereffects of trauma from violence, but also the Bantu's intergenerational culture of inferiority and second-class status. Service providers should closely monitor the Bantu to determine if any are experiencing serious mental health problems.
Margaret Munene, a UNHCR psychologist, explains that the Bantu's withdrawn demeanor could indicate low self-esteem. Munene further states that the Bantu have escaped their oppressors in Somalia only to live among them in Kenya. In the Dadaab refugee camps, the Bantu still lack the psychological freedom to be themselves.
It is important to recognize that Bantu children who will attend American public schools are probably traumatized as well, and will need special services in this area. Helping local host communities understand the background and experiences of trauma that the Bantu refugees have suffered will be very important.
Education
Since education was often out of reach for Bantu children, most worked on their parents' farms instead of attending school. As formal education has only begun to be available in the refugee camps, educators in the United States may find Bantu parents reluctant or unable to participate in their children's education.
Given the critical importance of literacy in the United States, resettlement professionals may want to prepare an intensive adult literacy campaign for adult Bantu refugees. Without literacy skills, Bantu adults will be unable to participate in the modern economy and integrate into mainstream American society.
Learning English
Learning a new language in a foreign country poses many challenges. However, given their versatility and strong adaptive ability, the Bantu are likely to overcome the challenges they encounter in this area. Af Maay and English are more similar in pronunciation than are Af Maxaa and English. Also, since many Bantu are at least bilingual, and in some cases speak four languages, they bring to the task of learning English the experience and understanding of what it takes to communicate in a different language.
Style of Communication
One cultural issue in orientation will be the Bantu's style of communication. The IOM reports that some Bantu are not accustomed to being interviewed and answering questions in a linear, sequential way. Many women are not able to give the exact age of their children, and use weather markers or particular events rather than specific dates to answer questions about dates of birth and other family history. Only after long conversations with many follow-up questions can the appropriate information be determined. The IOM also reports that the Bantu are uncommonly open and honest with their answers compared to some other groups.
Special Needs of Women
Female circumcision, rape, a lack of education, second-class status in Somali society, high birth rates, single parent status, and trauma from past experiences are all conditions that Bantu women have had to endure in Africa.
In the United States, the Bantu women will be further challenged if they cannot draw upon their extended family and kin networks to assist them with child rearing and moral support. Providing the Bantu women with appropriate social services and ensuring as much as possible that people belonging to the same social support network are resettled in the same geographic location will assist them in their transition to American society.
Relations Between Bantu and Other Somalis
Although the Somali population in the United States may not be openly hostile to the Bantu, and in some cases genuinely willing to assist them, service providers should not assume that there will be immediate mutual trust and respect between them. Resettlement professionals should use the same caution and sensitivity with regards to translation and case management with the Bantu and Somalis that they use with other ethnic groups with a history of contentious relations.
Language and Literacy
The Somali language has distinct regional variants. The two main variants are Af Maay (pronounced af my) and Af Maxaa (roughly pronounced af mahaa). Both are Cushitic, with virtually all Somalis speaking at least one of these languages. Af Maay, also know as Maay Maay, serves as the lingua franca in southern Somalia as an agropastoral language while Af Maxaa is spoken throughout the rest of Somalia and in neighboring countries, including Kenya, where the refugee camps are located.
Both languages served as official languages until 1972 when the government determined that Af Maxaa would be the official written language in Somalia. This decision further isolated and hindered southerners, including the Bantu, from participating in mainstream Somali politics, government services, and education. Af Maay and Af Maxaa share some similarities in their written form but are different enough in their spoken forms as to be mutually unintelligible.
While the main language in the Juba River valley is Af Maay, some Bantu in traditional villages do not understand it at all. These Bantu still speak their ancestral tribal languages from Tanzania (primarily Zigua), with Swahili occasionally used as a common language. In the refugee camps, some Bantu adults have taken it upon themselves to learn English while others have gained greater proficiency in Swahili in order to communicate with Kenyan aid workers, police, and government officials. A limited number of Bantu refugees are also able to speak and understand some Af Maxaa, which is predominantly spoken in the Dadaab refugee camps and in the surrounding districts of Kenya's Northeastern Province.
Resettlement agencies in the United States may want to try first using Af Maay, then using Af Maxaa-speaking Somali staff to translate. Some Bantu children may have a strong enough command of English to communicate with resettlement workers. With Zigua and other traditional Bantu, resettlement agencies can utilize their Swahili-speaking staff from east Africa (Burundi, Democratic Republic of Congo, Kenya, Rwanda, Somalia, Sudan, and Tanzania) to communicate with these Bantu. If Somali translators are used, there may be issues of trust and respect between them and the Bantu.
Although the male head of household will most likely represent the family, resettlement workers should also speak directly with the other members of the family to ensure that their needs and concerns are being met.
The Af Maay Dialect
Af Maay uses the Roman alphabet with minor modifications to accommodate unique pronunciations. Since it has only recently been codified, the written language is very much a work in progress, with variations quite common. Like Af Maxaa, the Af Maay grammar is not well documented although the use of proper grammar is very important in both.
Af Maay consists of 24 consonants and five vowels:
Consonants: b p t j jh d th r s sh dh g gh f q k l m n ng ny w h y
Vowels: a e i o u, pronounced aa ee ii oo uu
It is necessary to bear in mind that, unlike the Af Maxaa language, Af Maay has no pharyngeal or glottal sound such as ha (xa) and 'a (ca). In the Af Maay alphabet, only consonants such as 'r' and 'l' are doubled within some words (e.g., arring, 'matter,' illing, 'kernel').
The letters b, d, g and n are pronounced more distinctly by pronouncing them with more force when they are not at the beginning of a word. However, they are not doubled (i.e bb, dd, gg, and nn) within a word as is common in Af Maxaa. Instead, the letters p, th, gh and ng respectively are used in their place when emphasis is required. These sounds are unique to Af-Maay. There are no letters to represent these distinct sounds in Af Maxaa. Note how the following words are pronounced.
Barbaar 'youth'
heped 'chest'
Derdaar 'advice'
mathal 'appointment'
Legding 'wrestling'
saghaal 'nine'
Tinaar 'oven'
ungbeer 'dress'
The letters p, jh, gh, ng and yc are used to represent sounds common in Af Maay are considered. They are also not found in the Af Maxaa alphabet.
P always occurs in the middle of the word and it sounds similar to the 'p' in the English alphabet (e.g., apaal, 'gratitude'; hopoog, 'scarf').
Jh is guttural and sounds like j (e.g., jheer, 'shyness'; jhab, 'fracture').
Th is pronounced as in 'the' in English (e.g., mathal, 'appointment'; etheb, 'politeness').
Gh sounds like the letter 'gain' of the Arabic alphabet (e.g., dhaghar, 'deceive'; shughul, job').
Ng is similar to the sound of 'ing' in English (e.g., angkaar, 'curse'; oong, 'thirst').
Ieh is a common ending on nouns and verbs. However, the letter 'y' is commonly used among Af Maay writers to represent this sound.
Maghy 'Noun'
Misgy 'Sorghum'
Maaycy 'Ocean'
Jyny 'Heaven'
Shyny 'Bee'
Myfathaaw 'I do not want it'
Yc, a sound found in the word signore, bsogno, and agnello in the Italian language, is also a source of controversy. This sound is universally found in many Asian and African languages and in some Af Maay scripts this sound is represented as either ny or gn.
ycaaycuur 'cat'
maaycy 'ocean'
Ycuuycy 'name of a person'
ycisaang 'the youngest'
myyceeg 'feeble'
Literacy
In 1975, government figures estimated that the literacy rate among Somali citizens was 55%, in contrast to a 5% rate before the adoption of the national script. The United Nations, however, estimated the literacy rate in Somalia at 24%.
Due to their exclusion from formal education and positions in Somalia that require literacy, the Bantu have remained largely illiterate. Upon arrival in the Dadaab refugee camps, few, if any, of the Bantu were observed to be literate. Without any accurate data, it can only be said that the rate of literacy for the Bantu is low and certainly well below the United Nations estimate of 24%.
With primary and secondary education offered to all refugees in the Kenyan camps, many school-age Somali Bantu children, and especially the boys, have learned to read and write. Some adult Bantu have taken it upon themselves to learn to read and write too, sometimes with the help of educated English-speaking Kenyan Somalis who hire themselves out to the refugees as translators and teachers.